The idea of justice has been central to political philosophy since its origin. Indeed, the two towering book–ends to Western political thought - Plato's Republic and John Rawls' milestone 1971 publication, A Theory of Justice - are both essays on justice . Structured around the historical and conceptual relationship between distributive and corrective justice, A Brief History of Justice traces the development of this fundamental idea from antiquity to the present day. This wide–ranging, yet concise book delves deeply into the evolving traditions of justice, from roots in Babylonian and Hebrew law and Greek political thought to the most prominent contemporary renderings in the work of Rawls and other modern thinkers, including incisive chapter–length introductions to the work of Plato, Aristotle, the utilitarians, Kant, and Rawls. David Johnston weaves a sophisticated, yet accessible, narrative, integrating philosophical discussion with pressing contemporary questions about justice. With clarity and scholarly precision, A Brief History of Justice offers readers an invaluable survey of an important and powerful concept that continues to dominate the field of political philosophy. David Johnston is Professor of Political Science and formerly Joseph Straus Professor of Political Philosophy in the Department of Political Science at Columbia University . His books include The Rhetoric of Leviathan: Thomas Hobbes and the Politics of Cultural Transformation (1986), The Idea of a Liberal Theory (1994), Leviathan: A Norton Critical Edition (ed. with Richard Flathman, 1997), and Equality (ed., 2000). 1. Language: English. Narrator: Mike Scherer. Audio sample: http://samples.audible.de/bk/adbl/008909/bk_adbl_008909_sample.mp3. Digital audiobook in aax.
This book attempts to understand Thucydides explanation for Athens rise and decline by focusing on his treatment of Athenian democracy and Athenian empire from antiquity to the close of the Peloponnesian War. That treatment sheds light on the problematic relationship between democracy and empire at all times and in all places. Thucydides teaches that the Athenians unique ability to live lives at once liberal, lawful, vigorous, and far-sighted allowed the development of Athenian democracy, and prepared the way for the expansion of Athenian power. Thucydides shows that Pericles was Athens greatest leader because he drew upon and fostered Athens exceptional qualities. The most remarkable of these was the blending of usually incompatible elements, such as public spiritedness and private pursuits. However after Pericles death, the Athenians lost those qualities. Hence they lost their democracy and empire as well. Pericles brilliant balancing act, enshrined in the funeral oration, enabled Athens for a moment. Its survival, in the form of communicable understanding, is the work of Thucydides art.
Please note that the content of this book primarily consists of articles available from Wikipedia or other free sources online. Martianus Minneus Felix Capella was a pagan writer of Late Antiquity, one of the earliest developers of the system of the seven liberal arts that structured early medieval education. According to Cassiodorus, he was a native of Madaura which had been the native city of Apuleius in the Roman province of Africa (now Souk Ahras, Algeria), and he appears to have practiced as a jurist at Carthage. The lunar crater Capella is named after him.
In autumn 2012, University College Freiburg introduced 'Liberal Arts and Sciences' (LAS), the first four-year undergraduate program of its kind at a German university. Inspired by Liberal Arts programs of universities in the United States and the Netherlands, this undergraduate curriculum is based on the ancient concept of the Seven Liberal Arts, and is intended to serve as preparatory study for later specialization. Although the traditional canon of Seven Liberal Arts, consisting of three language sciences and four natural sciences, only became fixed in the Middle Ages, its roots can be traced into Classical Antiquity. This volume is conceived as a sourcebook of Greek and Latin texts with English translations and is addressed to any reader interested in the history of the Seven Liberal Arts. Two essays, 'Körper und Geist in der Erziehung des freien griechischen Mannes' by Prof. Hans-Joachim Gehrke, and 'Der Streit um die richtige Bildung in Rom' by Prof. Bernhard Zimmermann, expand upon the subject of the volume.
The Rights of War and Peace is the first fully historical account of the formative period of modern theories of international law. It sets the scene with an extensive history of the theory of international relations from antiquity down to the seventeenth century. Professor Tuck then examines the arguments over the moral basis for war and international aggression, and links the debates to the writings of the great political theorists such as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and Kant. This is not only an account of international law: as Professor Tuck shows, ideas about inter-state relations were central to the formation of modern liberal political theory, for the best example the kind of agent which liberalism presupposes was provided by the modern state. As a result the book illuminates the presuppositions behind much current political theory, and puts into a new perspective the connection between liberalism and imperialism.
Examining the clash between Roman religion and Christianity in Antiquity, and juxtaposing this with some of the cultural and religious conflicts currently unfolding in Europe, the author draws attention to interesting parallels linking religion, identity, and the construction of religious enemy images -- and running across the fabric of time. Here she explores a number of issues in multicultural Europe, past and present. These include cultural encounters and the concepts of religio and superstitio; infighting and propagandising amongst emperors, philosophers, and church fathers; miracle rivalry and martyrdom; ancient Romanisation and modern globalisation; religious pluralism and universal values; freedom of religion and liberal democracies; and secularism and the European fear factor.
Soteriology and the End of Animal Sacrifice traces the historically sustained critique of animal sacrifice in both the Jewish prophets and Greek philosophers and offers a reinterpretation of the fundamental expression of piety in both cultures. The Jewish prophets, such as Isaiah, and Greek philosophers beginning with Pythagoras, provided not only an unequivocal denunciation of animal sacrifice as a religious ritual. Equally important, they also offered an alternative conception of piety in and through a language dedicated to the therapeutic health and well-being of others. In the philosophies of Socrates and Epicurus in the Greek world and in the teaching and healing of Jesus in the Jewish world of first-century Palestine, we reach a decisive moment in the revolution of religion in the ancient world. The practice of animal sacrifice in the temples of Greece and Jerusalem begins to be reconceived and eventually abolished and replaced by a soteriology or healing wholly dedicated to the well-being of individuals no less than entire societies. The replacement of animal sacrifice with soteriological speech is the single most important revolution in the religions of antiquity. Giosue Ghisalberti is Professor in the Department of Liberal Studies at Humber College, Toronto, Canada. His main areas of interest are Greek philosophy, the Bible, and ancient Rome. He is the author of Augustine's Passions: His Transformation from a Roman Citizen to a Catholic Bishop, 354-401 (2016). He is currently working on a project entitled Jesus, the Unprecedented Human Being.
Habermas's Public Sphere: A Critique analyzes the evolution of Juergen Habermas's social and political theory from the 1950s to the present by focusing on the explicit and on the tacit changes in his thinking about The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, his global academic bestseller, which has been translated into 30 languages. Integrating 'public sphere,' 'discourse,' and 'reason,' the three categories at the center of his lifelong work as a scholar and as a public intellectual, Habermas's classic public sphere concept has deeply influenced an unusually high number of disciplines in the social sciences and in the humanities. In the process, its complex methodology, whose sources are not always identified, can be perplexing and therefore lead to misunderstandings. While Habermas's 'Further Reflections on the Public Sphere' (1992) contain several far-reaching clarifications, they still do not identify a number of the most important sources for his methodology, above all Herbert Marcuse and Ernst Bloch. Hence, a key purpose of this study is to thoroughly analyze the Marxist critique of ideology that Habermas uses in dialectical fashion for his theory reconstruction of Immanuel Kant's liberal ideal of a rational-critical public as the organizational principle of the constitutional state and as the method of Enlightenment. Such dialectical thinking allows him to appropriate the structure of Reinhart Koselleck's Critique and Crisis and of Carl Schmitt's writings on the modern state while simultaneously upending their conservative critique of Liberalism and of the Enlightenment. However, this strategy restricts the application of his concept to his stylizations of the French Revolution and of his British 'model case.' This critique reinvigorates Habermas's seminal distinction between the purely political polis of antiquity, which excludes the private economy from the res publica, and the modern public sphere with its rational-critical discourse about commodity exchange and social labor in the political economy. At the same time, it identifies the crises of seventeenth-century England and the Dutch Republic as the origins of the new channels of public communication used to constantly evaluate the role of state power as political facilitator and regulator of an increasingly complex, dynamic, and crisis-prone market economy.
In this indispensable book, Fred Powell looks behind 'the mirror of power' to discover the real civil society--or Big Society--that lies beneath it. Articulating three forms of civil society--radical, liberal, and conservative--he examines a complex interplay between state and community, arguing that citizens contend for power via civil society. This is both a historic pursuit dating to antiquity and a contemporary democratic struggle between competing visions of modernity, the stakes of which are no less than 'real' politics themselves as experienced by everyday citizens.